The idea America of paying cash reparations for slavery is clearly a false flag for swamp rat democrats. It sounds good but it’s fraught with problems. These are just a few just off the top of my head:
Should American pay reparations for something less than 9% of Americans did in 1860?
Should someone have to prove they are descended from a slave?
If someone can prove they are not descended from slaves or slave owners can they be exempt from paying reparations?
Does being black qualify someone to receive reparations?
Does being white a good enough reason to force someone to pay reparations?
What if someone is white and descended from a slave? Would they get reparations?
What if someone black but were descended from a slave owner? Would they get reparations?
What about other slaves like the Irish slaves are their descendants entitled to reparations, too?
Can a dollar value truly be assessed on events that happened 170 years ago?
What if someone is black and arrived in the US after slavery ended should they get reparations, too?
What if someone is white and arrived in the US after slavery ended should they be exempt from paying reparations?
Would it really help blacks if you just gave them money for injustice that may or may not have happened to their ancestors?
When Woodrow Wilson was in office did, they push reparations? When FDR was in office did, they push reparations? When Truman was in office did, they push reparations? When JFK was in office did, they push reparations? When Lyndon Johnson was in office did, they push reparations? When Bill Clinton was in office did, they push reparations? When Obama was in office did, they push reparations? NO, NO, NO, NO, NO, NO, and NO! When the issue seems to ONLY come up during republican presidencies that should tell you EVERYTHING you need to know exactly what the democrats think about reparations and about the blacks they are trying to manipulate by pushing this FAKE issue!
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The Irish slave trade began when 30,000 Irish prisoners were sold as slaves to the New World. The King James I Proclamation of 1625 required Irish political prisoners be sent overseas and sold to English settlers in the West Indies. By the mid 1600s, the Irish were the main slaves sold to Antigua and Montserrat. At that time, 70% of the total population of Montserrat were Irish slaves.
https://www.globalresearch.ca/the-irish-slave-trade-the-forgotten-white-slaves/31076
List of Democrat Presidents
https://www.thoughtco.com/which-presidents-were-democrats-4160236
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Excerpts from: The Impossibility of Reparations:
Considering the single most important question
about racial restitution: How would it work?
1) The program will expand to additional groups. Within only a very few months of the implementation of Philadelphia plan, preferences of various kinds were extended to women, Hispanics, and other groups. With any program of reparations, likewise, other claimants will come forward. If African Americans are due payment for slavery and subjugation, what about Native Americans, who lost a whole continent? What about Mexican-Americans, who were deprived by the Mexican-American war of the right to migrate into half their former country? Japanese Americans, interned during World War II? Chinese Americans, the victims of coolie labor and the Oriental Exclusion Acts? Members of these groups may concede that they were not maltreated in the same way as African Americans—and may not be entitled to exactly the same consideration
2) The question of who qualifies will become ever more contested and embittered. The problem of “who qualifies?” is explosive enough with hiring and admissions preferences. As the benefits at stake expand to the vast dimensions urged by Coates, the question will become more explosive yet. Does a mixed race person qualify? How mixed? What about recent immigrants from Africa or the West Indies? What about future immigrants? What about illegal immigrants from Africa who subsequently gain legalization—would amnesty come with a check attached?
3) Side effects will be large and unexpected. Affirmative action characterizes some parts of the American economy more strongly than others, and in particular the public sector more than the private sector. This pervading fact has shaped the growth of the black middle class. Black Americans are 30 percent more likely than non-blacks to work in the public sector, where they earn higher wages relative to whites than they do in private employment. This strategy brought security to many black families in the years between 1970 and 2008.
If paid to individuals as an income stream, reparations would dis-incentivize work. If paid to individuals as a lump sum, reparations would expose one of America’s least financially sophisticated populations to predatory practices that would make subprime lending seem socially responsible by contrast. If paid to institutions or collective entities … well, let’s look at that under another header.
4) The program will work severe inequities. Affirmative action’s quirks and injustices are notorious. But they will be nothing compared to the strange consequences of a reparations program. Not all black people are poor. Not all non-black people are rich. Does Oprah have a housecleaner? Who changes the diapers of Beyonce’s baby? Who files Herman J. Russell’s taxes? Will their wages be taxed and the proceeds redirected to their employers?
Within the target population, will all receive the same? Same per person, or same per family? Or will there be adjustment for need? How will need be measured? Will convicted criminals be eligible? If not, the program will exclude perhaps one million African Americans. If yes, the program would potentially tax victims of rape and families of the murdered for the benefit of their assailants.
And if reparations were somehow delivered communally and collectively, disparities of wealth and power and political influence within black America will become even more urgent. Simply put, when government spends money on complex programs, the people who provide the service usually end up with much more sway over the spending than the spending’s intended beneficiaries. The poorer the beneficiaries, the more powerfully this rule holds—and it has held strongest of all in programs intended to aid the black poor. The District of Columbia public schools have excelled at delivering stable jobs to their unionized employees. They have failed their students.
5) The legitimacy of the project will rapidly fade. Affirmative action ranks among the least popular thing that U.S. governments do. When surveyed, white Americans crushingly reject race preferences, Hispanic Americans object by a margin of 2 to 1, and black Americans are almost evenly divided, with only the slightest plurality in favor. Now imagine how Americans will feel when what is redistributed by racial calculus is not university admissions or workplace promotions but actual, foldable cash.
Ta-Nehisi Coates anticipates this trouble by suggesting that reparations might be paid not to individuals but collectively to African Americans as a group. He favorably cites the example of German reparations to the state of Israel after World War II.
Harvard Law professor Charles Ogletree suggests widening the concept of reparations even further, into a national "program of job training and public works that takes racial justice as its mission but includes the poor of all races.” In that case, reparations would cease to be a new program, but would become instead a new argument in favor of the preexisting policy preferences of the left wing of the Democratic party. Earlier in his article, Coates quotes with seeming disdain the radio host Rush Limbaugh’s disparagement of the Affordable Care Act as a form of “reparations." But aren’t Limbaugh and Ogletree more or less in agreement here?
Coates dismisses all these questions and so many others. He suggests the country first enact Rep. John Conyers’ Reparations Bill and then open a discussion about how reparations would work. But committing yourself to a solution before you have any idea whether such a solution is workable—or, rather, in defiance of pretty strong reasons that your solution is utterly unworkable—is not a responsible reaction to America’s racial dilemmas.
Instead, we’ll be all too likely to repeat once more the sad pattern of so many civil rights initiatives: the bold announcement, the raised hopes, the unexpected difficulties, the suppression of open discussion of those difficulties, the ossifying of the project into bureaucracy, the realization of failure, the discovery of the political impossibility of reforming or repairing the failure.
https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2014/06/the-impossibility-of-reparations/372041/
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https://fee.org/articles/reparations-would-cost-trillions-and-are-unconstitutional/
https://www.crf-usa.org/brown-v-board-50th-anniversary/reparations-for-slavery-reading.html
https://www.business-humanrights.org/en/slavery-reparations-lawsuit-re-usa
https://www.theatlantic.com/education/archive/2018/05/the-radical-supreme-court-decision-that-america-forgot/561410/
https://scholar.law.colorado.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?referer=https://www.google.com/&httpsredir=1&article=2238&context=articles
http://sites.clas.ufl.edu/africa-asq/files/ASQ-Vol-2-Issue-4-Laremont.pdf
https://www.cbsnews.com/news/slave-reparations-case-dismissed/
https://www.jurist.org/news/2006/12/federal-appeals-court-rejects-slavery/
https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/488/469/
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